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Old 03-21-2009, 07:06 PM   #1
Ought Six
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Arrow PROMISES, PROMISES: Obama rhetoric, reality clash

PROMISES, PROMISES: Obama rhetoric, reality clash


By LIZ SIDOTI
The Associated Press, via Google News
March 21, 2009


WASHINGTON — Barack Obama's optimistic campaign rhetoric has crashed headlong into the stark reality of governing.

In office two months, he has backpedaled on an array of issues, gingerly shifting positions as circumstances dictate while ducking for political cover to avoid undercutting his credibility and authority. That's happened on the Iraq troop withdrawal timeline, on lobbyists in his administration and on money for lawmakers' pet projects.

"Change doesn't happen overnight," Obama said at a town-hall style event in California on Thursday, seeming to acknowledge the difficulty in translating campaign pledges into actual policy. Asked by a campaign volunteer how his supporters can be most effective in helping him bring the sweeping change he promised, Obama said: "Patience."

The event was part of a weeklong media blitz that Obama had hoped would help sell his budget — the foundation of the health care, education and energy changes he promised in the campaign. But his budget message was overshadowed for much of the week by the public furor over $165 million in executive bonuses paid by American International Group Inc. after the insurance giant had received billions in federal bailout funds.

"There was a lot of excitement during the campaign and we were talking about the importance of bringing about change," Obama told the volunteer. "We are moving systematically to bring about change. But change is hard."

It's the same delicate dance each of his predecessors faced in moving from candidate to president, only to find he couldn't stick exactly by his word. Each was hamstrung by his responsibility to the entire nation and to individual constituencies, changes in the foreign and domestic landscapes, and the trappings of the federal government and Washington itself.

Once in the White House, presidents quickly learn they are only one part of the political system, not in charge of it. They discover the trade-offs they must make and the parties they must please to get things done. Inevitably, they find out that it's impossible to follow through completely on their campaign proposals.

For now at least, Obama's deviations have served only to invite occasional cries of hypocrisy from some Republicans and infrequent grumbles of disappointment from some Democrats. He has popularity on his side, and it seems people mostly are chalking up his moves to much-needed flexibility at a difficult time.

But the shifts could take a toll over time if they become a persistent pattern and the public grows weary. His overall job-performance marks could suffer and jeopardize his likely re-election campaign in 2012. People could perceive him as a say-one-thing-do-another politician and the Democratic-controlled Congress could see him as a weak chief executive.

Obama's moves and maneuvering for political cover run the gamut.

He spent most of the campaign promising to bring combat troops home from Iraq 16 months after taking office, though he left himself wiggle room.

After directing his commanders to map out a responsible pullout, President Obama adjusted that timeline to 19 months and said 50,000 troops, about one-third of the current force, would remain.

While campaigning, Obama frequently swiped at lobbyists, saying, "When I am president, they won't find a job in my White House."

Then he took office and had to fill thousands of positions. He did allow former lobbyists to join his administration. But he imposed ethics rules barring them from dealing with matters related to their lobbying work or joining agencies that they had lobbied in the previous two years. In several cases, he has made outright exceptions.

Obama the candidate pledged to curb spending directed at lawmakers' pet projects; they're known in Washington as "earmarks." Obama the president signed an "imperfect" $410 billion budget measure that included 8,500 earmarks.

He had little choice. The measure, a holdover from last year, was needed to keep government from shutting down. But to blunt the fallout, Obama outlined guidelines to ensure tighter restraints on the spending and made a new promise: Future earmarks won't become law so easily.

As for politics, Obama campaigned as a new-style leader who chastised partisanship and renounced divisiveness in Washington. But as president, Obama's White House aides wasted little time pouncing on Republicans and mocking conservative commentator Rush Limbaugh as the GOP's leader.

On fiscal matters, Obama the candidate urged Americans to tighten their belts. Once in office and saddled with recession, though, he signed a $787 billion stimulus measure and outlined a $3.6 trillion budget plan that will plunge the nation deeper into the red. But again he paired the proposal with a new promise, to cut the deficit by more than half by the end of his first term.

Franklin D. Roosevelt ran for office promising to balance the budget. But he reversed course when he took over a country in depression and doled out a spending prescription to revive the economy. He made other shifts as well.

The ailing public didn't view him as wishy-washy or politically calculating, but rather as a president who was experimenting in hopes of finding policy to fix the problems. His charm and communication savvy allowed him to get away with it.

Historians agree that seems to be the model Obama is trying to emulate. "I didnt come here to pass on our problems to the next president or the next generation — I came here to solve them," he said Saturday in his radio and Internet address. A charismatic orator, he's trying to govern with a pragmatic posture while projecting a willingness to compromise.

His mantra these days: "We will not let the pursuit of the perfect stand in the way of achievable goals."
_____

EDITOR'S NOTE _ Liz Sidoti covers the White House for The Associated Press and has covered national politics since 2003.
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Old 03-21-2009, 07:28 PM   #2
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Arrow

A Presidential Wake-Up Call


The AIG mess should be a warning to Obama that
even popular presidents can squander good will.


Eleanor Clift
Newsweek
Mar 20, 2009


Who would have thought 55 days into this administration we would be asking the question, what did he know and when did he know it? Word that a provision in the stimulus bill gave the green light for AIG to hand out bonuses using taxpayer money sent the media bloodhounds hot on the trail of whoever is the culprit. For a time, it looked like Senate Banking chairman Chris Dodd would take the fall, but after 24 hours of twisting in the wind, Dodd said the change that exempted past agreements to pay bonuses was made at the request of the administration.

President Obama likes to remind voters that he inherited a mess, and that's true, but this one is of his own making. And until he comes up with a satisfactory explanation of who did what when, and why, his credibility will suffer. Forty-eight hours ago, I didn't think Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner was in trouble, but if the transaction with Dodd turns out to have Geithner's fingerprints on it, his job could be in jeopardy. The deadly chain of events may have started innocently enough, with Treasury Department lawyers raising questions about the government retroactively curtailing private-sector contracts, but did Dodd, who authored the restrictive language, capitulate to some Treasury flunky, or did someone more senior lean on him?

Whomever it was, it's fair to say they did not recognize the time bomb they were setting in motion. Obama hates what he calls "process stories," but they are a staple of Washington reporting, and the backstory of this first major Obama blunder has consequences. First, it undermines the president's credibility with his own party on Capitol Hill. Democrats voted almost unanimously for the stimulus package and now Republicans have a weapon to use against them with this Treasury-inspired provision that benefits AIG. Second, the controversy undermines the trust that the American people have in government at a time when it is spending billions upon billions. Obama promises transparency, but the layers of bureaucratic double-talk look like business as usual. Geithner—formerly with the New York Federal Reserve Bank and an alumnus of Goldman Sachs, a recipient of AIG funds—is schooled in secrecy and, when he does speak, the kindest thing to say is that he's badly in need of media training.

It's not uncommon for leaders to feel that because they are giving a problem their all that others don't recognize the gains that are being made. And certainly Geithner, who is at his desk before dawn and puts in 15-hour days, is no slacker. Nor is his boss. In his new book, "Dispatches From the War Room," Democratic pollster Stan Greenberg describes what it's like to confront the big names he's worked for with bad news, and how disbelieving they were, particularly when it came to their performance on the economy.

The book is about that inevitable and painful moment of truth in his relationship with five extraordinary leaders, Bill Clinton and Nelson Mandela among them. Each of the men Greenberg profiles came to office, like Obama, amid great hope and expectation, with people at least for a time suspending their cynicism. "Then they discover how hard it is to keep their promises. Not that they walk away from promises—they are consumed by them," Greenberg noted at a talk last weekend at Politics and Prose, a bookstore in northwest Washington. He recalled doing a focus group in Ft. Lee, N.J., shortly before Clinton took office, with his economic team looking on to gauge if Clinton had a "read my lips" problem. He had campaigned on a middle-class tax cut and his economic advisers were telling him deficit reduction was more important. Breaking the promise wasn't trivial, but Greenberg assured Clinton he would survive as long as he kept the interests of the middle class front and center in his policies. After Clinton failed to deliver on health-care reform, Republicans won control of both houses of Congress in the 1994 election—and Clinton fired Greenberg.

Mandela, more than any of the others, cared about public opinion, says Greenberg. Having spent 27 years in prison, he worried he was out of touch as he took the African National Congress from being a liberation movement to heading the government. Mandela sat through a three-hour polling seminar that Greenberg conducted and even went to focus groups. It was almost inevitable that the ANC couldn't deliver results to keep pace with the expectations Mandela had unleashed. When Greenberg presented negative findings to the ANC, the leaders were so stunned, they accused Greenberg of rigging the poll and using a nonrepresentative sample. They had brought electricity and water to rural areas but they hadn't created the jobs or the housing they'd promised. Voters felt betrayed.

What these leaders had in common is they all crashed politically. Some came back—Clinton, more than once. Mandela's support fell within three years to below 50 percent, and he didn't run for a second term. "If Mandela can crash, so can Obama," Greenberg says, adding that the economy is where leaders get it most wrong. This week's fiasco with AIG should serve as a warning to Obama that good will is not unlimited and that the people serving him can bring him down.
__________________
* I have the right to live, thus I have the right to defend my life from attackers who would take it from me.
* I have the right to my private property, thus I have the right to defend my property from thieves who would take it from me.
* I have the right to self-determination, thus I have the right to defend my liberty from tyrants who would take it from me.
* The only usable tools for these tasks are guns, and thus I have the right to shoot anyone who would take my guns from me.
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